Wednesday, May 4, 2011

America, The Story of Us TV series Review

History In The Very Broadest Of Strokes

I was excited about America: The Story of Us when it was first announced, and eagerly awaited the series. I began watching with the understanding that not all events in American history would be covered. Indeed, even a thirty to forty hour series wouldn’t be able to do that. Still, I was very upset by just how much was left out.

Rather than present a labored review of all episodes in the series, I’ll focus on the episodes that covered the1840s to the Civil War because they represent all problems I had with the entire series. In the episode, “Westward,” the story unfolds about how the pioneers moved west trying to reach California. The series relates some brief, interesting anecdotes and there are promising introductions of significant people, but after these quick mentions most are not brought up again. One major claim I found very troubling in the episode was the description of Mexico as a “super power.” Mexico was far from it at the time, and had experienced nothing but unrest since its independence from Spain in the 1820s. In fact, the government had changed hands over twenty times in twenty years. Even Mexican historians acknowledge that it was not prepared for a war with the United States and that factions in Mexico could not even unite properly during the conflict. None of this is explained in the episode, and the war is only mentioned in passing in a later episode. This was a great injustice, as it follows the path of other failed series which overlooked a pivotal war in American history. Nor does the show talk about the major political figures such as Andrew Jackson, John Quincy Adams, or James K. Polk, or social movements and shifts in public opinion of the time that led to the war and shaped the period. Rather, it uses the broadest of brush strokes to barely touch on the topic, and seems to rely more on special effects to make the episode interesting. Finally, speakers like Donald Trump, Brian Williams, Tom Brokaw, New Gingrich, Sheryl Crow, and Michael Stratham have nothing important to add to the subject. The series did interview Pulitzer Prize winning author Daniel Walker Howe about the period, but only briefly.

The series does devote an entire episode to the buildup to the Civil War, and another episode to the fighting in the Civil War, and it does talk about the evils of slavery and the several innovations such as embalming and the increased use of telegraph lines and trains, which occurred during the war. However, the episodes never refer to the Compromise of 1820 or the Compromise of 1850 and provide no profiles of either abolitionists or those who favored slavery. Once the war begins, the series does not give an overall strategic view of what happened during the war, or any events on either home front. The episode doesn’t even mention Gettysburg! Grant and Lee are introduced, but with the exception of a few more short anecdotes in no particular order, the episodes concluded with a great deal of important material left unexamined. Given the fact that the History Channel has interviewed such noted Civil War historians as James McPherson, Gary Gallagher, and William Davis for past shows, it’s very surprising that they were not included in this one.

Overall, the series grossly oversimplifies American history and does very little to add to it, carelessly skipping over essential events and people. If you are just starting to learn about American history, this show may be a useful tool. However, if you are like me and wanted a little more depth, with notable theories and evidence about why things occurred, you will find this series very disappointing and may likely be reminded of the worst substitute history teacher you ever had.

Tuesday, May 3, 2011

Thoughts on the Death of bin Laden

Like all Americans, I celebrated the news that Osama bin Laden had been killed in a raid in Pakistan Sunday night. I thought back to 9/11 when I was awoken by my father, who told me something bad had happened at the World Trade Center. I spent the rest of the day sitting with my ninth grade class watching as the news stations played and replayed the planes disintegrating into the twin towers, the smoking aftermath of the attack on the Pentagon and Flight 93 in Pennsylvania, and the unbelievable collapse of the towers themselves.

After the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan several weeks later, I thought it would only be a matter of time until bin Laden was caught or killed, and I was sure they had him in Tora Bora. Then I watched helplessly as it was reported that the Northern Alliance allowed a cease fire which gave him the chance to escape. Over the years, the hunt for him stalled and public attention turned to Iraq and the economy. bin Laden dwindled to a shadowy figure who occasionally released video and audio tapes. While other key al-Qaeda members were being killed or captured, bin Laden remained elusive. Eventually, I came to believe that between the fierce tribal loyalty which surrounded him and the endless, rugged mountainous terrain of his hiding place, he would never be found. I fully expected he would be able to stay out of sight until the day he would die in a cave and be secretly buried.

Now bin Laden is dead, the result of what will likely be considered one of the more complex and brilliantly executed raids in history, his body positively identified with the help of his relative’s DNA and slipped into the Arabian Sea from the deck of a U.S. carrier.

If President Barrack Obama is gloating a bit, he certainly deserves to do so. Had anything gone wrong, had the helicopters been shot down or any of the Special Forces been killed, he would have borne the brunt of the blame. I haven’t been a huge Obama fan, but I am the first to admit he made a hard call that was successful, and he will get a massive and well deserved bump in the polls. It will be even better if everyone remembers that there is other credit that’s also well-deserved; the credit for how the intelligence was gathered, how the operation was planned and its secrecy protected, and most important, how it was ultimately carried out – successfully – by the Special Forces who stormed the compound.

I was inspired by the unbridled patriotism that followed Obama’s speech. The day may long be remembered as my generation’s V-J Day (August 14, 1945 when Japan announced it would surrender to the Allies, ending World War II). While Americans and our supporters should indeed celebrate, I sincerely hope we won’t now think that the war is over or that we can now simply leave the Middle East. Dangerous men like Yemen’s Anwar al-Awlaki and Egypt’s Ayman al-Zawahiri remain at large to threaten American lives, and they will not simply go away.

The Special Forces’ success will send al-Qaeda further underground, and make them look over their shoulders. They will continue to plan attacks on us, though their communications will become more difficult and the U.S. will surely exploit all of that intelligence they gathered during the raid. Also, there is a chance that internal conflict may erupt in the ranks of al-Qaeda as they work to fill the void – though, according to terrorism experts, there is no one who will enjoy the level of extremist support bin Laden had.

While others may point out that the death of one bad guy won’t matter when so many others are still out there, one thing has been made refreshingly clear, at least to me: Hurt us, and we will find you, no matter how long it takes.

Friday, April 8, 2011

Devil in the White City book review

In 1893 the United States was in the grip of a financial panic, crime was rising nationwide, and thousands of people walked the streets desperately looking for work. Yet, in spite of this, millions decided to go to Chicago to see the magical "White City".

In his book Devil in the White City, author Eric Larson brilliantly paints a tapestry of the city of Chicago in the 1890s, highlighted by a creation of breathtaking architectural splendor and hope for the future, and shadowed by a dark inhuman figure filled with evil beyond imagining. At the center of the tapestry are two men who represent the different sides in one glorious event. One is Daniel Hudson Burnham, a middle-aged architect chosen to oversee the design and building of the 1893 Chicago World's Fair; the other is Herman Webster Mudgett (alias H. H. Holmes), a swindler, sadist and serial killer who looks at the fair as a way to feed his nefarious desires and make a profit on the side.

One of the things I found most impressive was Larson’s ability to make the reader feel as if they watching events occur around them. He does this through very colorful and detailed accounts. In one passage where he describes how thousands of Chicagoans waited tensely outside the Chicago Tribune office hoping to see the latest results of a Congressional vote to decide where the new far will be built. One can almost fell the emotion as the crowd cheers when Chicago takes the lead and curses as arch rival New York appears to be closing the gap. Finally there is the exposition of exhalation as Chicago becomes the official winner, and newsboys race down the streets and dark alleys bearing extra editions and shouting the news.

Larson introduces his two main characters with careful attention to their history. Burnham, a leading city architect in charge the team that will create the fair, is believed to be more intelligent in financial matters than in design. Holmes is a charismatic drifter who mysteriously acquires wealth and schemes to build a mansion with special rooms for his own uses.

The book is skillfully researched and comfortably well-written. Like an old-fashioned porch swing, the book’s narrative smoothly glides back and forth, devoting a chapter to Burnham, then moving back to Holmes. Larson’s straightforward style and gentle reminders of connecting events are easy to follow without being repetitive. The only drawback to the reading experience is in the layout of the book itself – while each chapter is descriptively titled and about ten pages in length, only the five major sections which have about hundred pages or more are listed in the table of contents.

Larson is clearly at his best when talking about Burnham and the construction of the fair. He relates Burnham’s unending struggles with fair committees, construction and display details, Chicago’s political leaders, rival architects with massive egos, stubborn laborers, and even the weather itself. One of the most magical scenes in the book is when all of the major architectural designers of the fair meet in the library of the Rookery Building and unveil their blueprints for the first time. Larson uses a particularly good quote from Burnham’s diary to capture the moment: “As the day passed, it was apparent that a picture had been forming in the minds of those present – a vision far more grand and beautiful than hitherto presented by the richest imagination.” (p.115) Lyman Gage, president of the Exposition, says, “You are dreaming. gentlemen, dreaming, I only hope that half the vision may be realized.” (p.115)

I had the chance to personally meet Mr. Larson at a later book promotion where he described how the book was created completely from primary documents such as diaries, letters, and meeting minutes. He told me that even more incredible things were said and done at the meeting that he included in his book, but he ultimately left them out because he felt that readers wouldn’t have believed them.

Other men who worked on the world’s fair also emerge in vivid detail. Fredrick Law Olmsted is the head landscaper who believes each flower should be placed with the same care an artist might move his paint brush. Sol Bloom, a twenty one year old with a knack for marketing is given the task of creating a midway with a collection of performers from all over the world. Frank Millet revolutionizes mass painting and organizes many of the fair’s most memorable events and George Ferris a Pittsburgh engineer who's idea for a unique invention would serve as the towering center piece of the fair and in time would become a staple of fairs throughout the world.  

However, with the character of Holmes Larson has a bit more trouble, and he struggles to fill the gaps in his life. Larson admits in the list of notes and sources, “Holmes proved an elusive character,” (p.394) For primary sources, Larson relies mainly on letters from Holmes’s victims and police reports. He does uncover fascinating anecdotes. For example during the construction of his block-long house and business building, Holmes asked a worker if he would be willing to kill a man. (p.68) Another time, a relative of one of Holmes's victims came to stay with him, also remembered how Holmes asked for a check of $2,500 which the man gave him. Holmes then wanted him to come to the roof and was very upset when he did not want to go. Later, that night, the man heard mysterious voices coming from just outside his locked door and the sound of key turning, when he called out he heard one of Holmes workers who asked to come in  When the man refused he heard the sound of other foot steps quickly moving way. Later he found the Holmes had forged his signature. The man would later think back to the Holmes instance about the roof  "If I'd gone, the forgery probably wouldn't have been discovered, because I would not have been around to discover it." (p.87-90) That and similar passages help strengthen Holmes’ portions of the book. Perhaps Larson’s most controversial decision regarding Holmes was to describe two murder scenes where no one other than Holmes and the victim were present. In his notes and sources Larson admitted that this was a difficult decision and explained, “To build my murder scenes, I used threads of known detail to weave a plausible account.” (p.395) While this is a practice most historical writers avoid, the decision is understandable given the shortage of primary documents and inability to interview crucial participants.

   While the reader is led through half the book before the world’s fair actually opens, it is well worth the wait. On every page after that, there are golden sequences where new inventions are introduced and the larger than life political and social figures of the day appear around every corner

What ultimately makes Devil in the White City not only a good read but also an important book is that it covers an epic instance in American history about which few people know. The reader not only exults in the excitement and optimism of Burnham and the thousands of workers that brought life to the magical exposition, but also shudders at the depth of dark depravity lurking just outside the ornate main gate.

Sunday, April 3, 2011

Peace at last?

Collins returned home to Ireland treaty in hand and presented it to the Irish Parliament. Many leaders, like the De Valera, who headed the government, believed that only total Irish independence was acceptable. Others like Collins and Griffith thought it was the best possible outcome. After bitter debate, they approved the treaty 64-57. De Valera promptly resigned and set up his own government. The Irish Parliament quickly split and both sides began to call themselves the IRA.

Then in June 1922, Anti-Treaty forces seized the large Four Courts building in Dublin. Pro-Treaty forces lead by Collins began a bombardment on June, 28, during which the archives of Ireland housed in the building were destroyed when one wing collapsed. Finally pro-treaty forces took the building on June 30. Collins then launched a series of successful operations against other rebel strongholds. Then in August, 1922, Collins traveled to the county of Cork to discuss a peace settlement with Anti-Treaty forces. Before he left, he had said, “They aren’t going to shoot me in my own home county.” But while returning to his hotel on August 22, his convoy was ambushed. Collins ordered his car stopped and began to return fire. In the gunfight that followed, Collins was hit and killed.

After the death of Collins, and of Griffith, who had died of health reasons a week before, the war deteriorated into a series of assassinations and executions, including that of Robert Erskine Childers, who had brought guns to Ireland seven years before, helped negotiate the treaty, and now backed Anti-Treaty forces. In all, it is believed that leaders of Pro-Treaty forces endorsed 77 executions, while another 153 unendorsed executions were also carried out. Anti-Treaty forces used similar tactics. Even members of the Irish Parliament were fair game.  

By mid 1923 Anti-Treaty forces had suffered devastating setbacks largely because their government couldn’t really make any decisions and did not control any territory, while Britain and the Roman Catholic Church supported the Pro-Treaty government in Dublin. Then Liam Deasy, a leader of the Anti-Treaty forces, who had set up the ambush that killed Collins, was captured in February, 1923, and at gunpoint signed a documented which ordered the men under him to surrender. In April, Liam Lynch, another leader of the Anti-Treaty forces, was ambushed and killed. The final blow came when popularity of the Anti-Treaty forces began to drop off and money to continue the war disappeared. Finally they asked for a halt to the violence.

When last gun was laid down, one of the only major figures left standing was De Valera, largely because he had played no real role in making decisions and had stayed away from the fighting He would remain a major force in Irish politics becoming President of Ireland from 1959-1973 dying quietly in a rest home two years later. He remains one of the most controversial figures in Irish history to this day.

In 1949 Britain gave the Irish full independence, but still maintained control over Northern Ireland. The IRA was banned. However, a new radical faction of the IRA began bombing and shooting in the 1950s, giving rise to a new cycle of violence between the Protestant and Catholic forces, This would last until the Good Friday Agreement in 1998 which outlawed all violence, allowed the people of Northern Island to become part of the Republic if they wished to, and also allowed both Irelands to make many joint decisions.  Many older Irish people today still vividly remember the civil war and men such as Collins, Pearse, and Connolly are considered martyrs to their cause. Conversely, many Protestants have a low opinion of these men and remain strongly loyal to England. While a new era of Irish peace appears to have finally emerged from all the bloodshed, much tension still exists between the two sides.

"Bloody Sunday" 1920

In the general elections of 1918, IRA leaders led by De Valera won a sweeping majority of Irish Parliament seats. It was decided to have the body stay in Ireland rather than go to England. Collins also took several key roles in the newly reorganized IRA including gathering intelligence, and formed a hit team called “the squad.”. Isolated acts of violence continued against British police, solders and establishments. Then in 1920 Collins presented a plan to permanently cripple British intelligence in Ireland. Through several moles, he believed that he could locate and kill nearly all key members of British intelligence. His plan called for 50 assassinations of informers and intelligence officials. However, this was reduced to 35 targets. On the morning of Sunday, November 21, 1920, teams of two to three men were dispatched to locations all across Dublin. Several teams headed toward a single city block, where they burst into apartments and shot British agents on sight. The shootings went on throughout the morning; in all, 13 people were killed and six more were wounded. Several managed to escape. One IRA man was wounded and captured. Other targets either could not be found or the hit teams failed to carry them out.

At the same time, British military officials had been getting reports of the killing. Then came information that several armed men had run into the nearby Croke Park soccer stadium where a game was in progress. A company of British troops soon surrounded the structure and went in backed by armored vehicles. It is unclear exactly what happened next. British sources say that they were fired on, and shot over the heads of the crowd to scare them. However, Irish sources say they simply began shooting into the assembled crowd. Within a minute fourteen people were dead and nearly a hundred others were wounded. Several hours later the one IRA man captured earlier managed to escape. In response the British guards shot three other IRA men they were holding.

The shootings, on what came to be called “Bloody Sunday”, sent shock-waves across Ireland and England and crippled Brittan’s intelligence network for several months. King George V was horrified by the killings and believed his forces had gone too far. However this was also mixed with anger for the IRA killings. One week later IRA forces attacked a large British patrol in Kilmichael, killing 17 British soldiers. Attacks and targeted killing continued. British forces carried out reprisals, making arrests and destroying any property that belonged to the IRA. By June 1921 2,000 people had died in the fighting since 1916 and 67 British troops were being killed or wounded a week. Ironically, nearly all the violence took place in and around Dublin, leaving the vast majority of Irish people unaffected. To end the conflict, in London Parliament had passed the Government of Ireland Act of 1920 which would establish Irish home rule in Dublin and a British backed Protestant government in Belfast. British commanders in the region secretly met with Irish leaders to negotiate a truce, which was announced on July 11, 1921. Later that year Collins, Childers and another IRA leader, Arthur Griffith, met with British Prime Minster David Lloyd George in London. Collins believed the IRA was spent and that he needed to try to get the best settlement possible. George pressured the Irish leaders hard and said if they did not come to a deal he would renew British operations. Finally they signed the proposal without sending it to Dublin. The agreement recognized Irish home rule in the 26 southern counties and pulled all British forces out, while the six northern counties which were overwhelming Protestant would remain under direct British control. IRA leaders did manage to hold vote in Northern Ireland on whether they should join in home rule, but it was roundly rejected. Collins and De Valera had finally achieved their goal. But soon a new war would start that would pit Irish against Irish.

Thursday, March 31, 2011

The Easter Rising 1916

The Period of Irish history I will cover here is enormously complex and still bitterly debated. Various political factions vied for power during this time and several groups represented each faction. For the purpose of this paper I will not attempt to name every organization but shall name only the largest; hereafter I will refer to the Irish factions collectively as the Irish Republican Army (IRA); and their opposing factions collectively as the British. My goal in not to take a side in this paper, I believe that the British grossly mishandled Ireland during this time, but I also think that what the IRA did during the same period and for nearly a hundred years afterward amounted to terrorism. I merely seek to tell a story that many Americans don’t know about. I will present the facts and leave it to you to decide whether either side was right.

On the morning of April 24, 1916, about 1,200 Irishmen rose up and seized about a dozen buildings in downtown Dublin. The leaders of the revolt then released a pamphlet announcing, “We declare the right of the people of Ireland to the ownership of Ireland, and to the unfettered control of Irish destinies, to be sovereign and indefeasible.” Further it announced that the uprising was the work of groups called the Irish Republican Brotherhood, Irish Volunteers, and several smaller organizations wanting total independence from Britain.

Britain had taken official control of Ireland in 1801 with the Act of Union. British families had then taken large tracts of Irish land for themselves by simply throwing out the previous owners. By the turn of the twentieth century, British troops were stationed throughout the country as a result of long simmering unrest and several revolts. Many Irish people complained that they were being treated as second class citizens and that the British were extremely cruel, often beating and arresting people. Other Irish families tried to get along as best they could. While there is evidence that British troops could treat people badly, whether this was the result of British policy or simply men whose position had gone to their heads is unclear.

In London, Parliament had attempted to pass “home rule bills” which would allow Ireland to run day to day operations of the country but would leave control under in the British Empire. However, these bills were defeated in 1886, 1893, and 1912. By 1913 many Irish believed they would never get independence. British leaders again promised home rule was coming, but then in August 1914, the British entered World War I, stopping all talk of political reform. Many Irishman put aside their prejudice of the British and fought alongside them. In all, over 200,000 Irish men would fight in the war and 30,000 would die. Yet even in battle, the British would not allow them to carry Irish flags.

Back in Ireland during that same year, a small group of men saw a chance for Ireland to finally throw off the yoke of British rule. Among those men were Patrick Pearse, James Connolly, and Robert Erskine Childers. At the outbreak of war, Childers had managed to slip into Hamburg, Germany in a small sailboat, collect nine hundred rifles and successfully dock in Dublin. Another Irishman, Roger Casement, had gone so far as to offer to foment a rebellion in Ireland with the help of a German invasion. German official Arthur Zimmerman agreed, but was later overruled by superiors. A boated loaded with 20,000 guns was dispatched from Germany but was caught by a British patrol and sunk in early April, 1916. Casement, among those on the boat, escaped at first, but was captured within days. He was later tried for his role in the uprising and hung in August, 1916. Despite this setback, Pearse and Connolly went ahead with the uprising, using the guns Childers had delivered.

The revolt took the few British solders in the area completely by surprise and several were killed on that first day of April 24, 1916. The following day, more British troops were brought in, along with heavy artillery which began bombarding rebel positions. Several civilian buildings were also heavily damaged. Slowly, with casualties mounting, the remaining rebels fell back to the large General Post Office building which had been set up as their headquarters. With Pearse and Connolly was 25 year old Michael Collins, who had spent the entire uprising sitting in the attic of the post office guarding prisoners taken during the initial hours. Also present was 33 year old Éamon De Valera, who according to accounts had seemed to be more of a hindrance than a help to the rebels as he gave confusing orders and, some said, suffered a nervous breakdown.  

The Irish leaders had hoped the revolt would spread to the countryside. However, when people heard that only a few buildings had been taken and that more British troops were arriving, those who had assembled elsewhere went home. With the British lobbing shells at point blank range, huge chunks began falling from outer walls of the General Post Office building and fires started inside. Finally, on April 29, a badly wounded Connolly ordered the men to lay down their arms. Dublin residents were shocked by the violence and angered by the destruction. Many viewed the men as traitors. While they were being taken out of the ruined building, local Dubliners shouted curses and bombarded them with spoiled food.

British justice was swift and brutal. 3,430 men and 79 women were arrested for their roles in the uprising. In a short court marshal on May 2, 90 men were sentenced to death, though only fifteen sentences were carried out. Pearse, seen as the main leader, went first. Several days later, Connolly, who lay in the hospital, was yanked out of bed, tied to a chair and shot. Joseph Plunkett, a founding member of the Irish Republican Brotherhood, was also sentenced to death. While he awaited execution, his longtime girlfriend marched into the prison in a wedding dress and demanded they be married. A short ceremony was quickly conducted and he was shot within hours.

Many historians now believe that here the British made two critical mistakes. First, among the fifteen executed men were several who adamantly claimed they either did not know the uprising was going to take place, or had only very minor roles in it. The speed and manner of the executions shocked many of the Irish who had initially supported the British, and it seemed to verify claims of British brutality. Second, the British allowed some of the men to get off with light sentences. Among these men were De Valera and Collins. De Valera had initially been sentenced to death, but his execution was delayed several times, and he happened to have been born in America. The United States was still on the fence as to whether they would join the war with the allies, and the British did not want to antagonize them. Ultimately, De Valera escaped. Collins too, had initially been selected to either be executed or given life in prison, but as he stood with the condemned group, he thought he heard his name called. In front of everyone, he walked across the room and joined the other group facing less punishment. He was released a year later in June, 1917. De Valera, Collins and some of their fellow prisoners would go on to found a new organization and write new plans on how to deal with the British.

Friday, February 4, 2011

Capone’s Bloody Valentine

By 10:30 on the morning of February 14, 1929, it was eighteen degrees outside and snow was falling in the Chicago neighborhood of Lincoln Park. Residents were dressing, having breakfast and getting ready to leave for work. Some had a view of the SMC Cartage Company. It was relatively common knowledge that the North Side gang, under the leadership of George Moran, operated from the big garage with its blacked out windows.

The routine of that snowy morning was suddenly shattered by a sharp explosion of sound. One resident later described it as an “air hammer” and then “a car backfire.” Those who looked out their windows saw two men in civilian clothes being escorted by what appeared to be two police officers, who loaded the men into a waiting police car and then sped off down the street. A dog began howling in the garage, and a next door landlady sent one of her tenants to investigate. He found the dog, unharmed, six dead men on the floor of the garage, and a seventh, barely alive, trying to crawl to the front door. The neighborhood quickly assumed that the massacre could be the work of only one man.    

Al Capone was born in Brooklyn in January, 1899. He held a series of odd jobs before joining a local gang. He went to work for Johnny Torrio in Chicago in 1920, and soon proved to be an efficient killer and enforcer. That same year, Prohibition was passed. Overnight, gangsters all across the county established underground routes to smuggle liquor into the country and charge double the pre-Prohibition price. Decades later a newspaper reporter would remember about a hundred “speakeasies” (illegal bars) which sprang up in the city. Record profits began coming in, and gangs like the one Capone belonged to were soon rolling in money. This created intense rivalries in the Mob, where leading members fought for absolute control of major cities.

Soon after their arrival in Chicago, Capone and Torrio seized control of the South Side rackets. However, the North Side rackets were controlled by Irish mobster Dean O’Bannon. Inevitably, a war broke out between the two sides, after O’Bannon had Torrio arrested and sent to prison. On November 10, 1924, three men walked into a flower shop O’Bannon owned. When O’Bannon went to shake hands with one of the men, he was grabbed and shot several times at close range, and died at the scene.

Then on January 24, 1925, Torrio, newly out of prison, pulled up to his apartment and exited his car, and he was shot several times by two North Side gang members. As he lay bleeding, one of the gunmen, George “Bugs” Moran, put a gun to Torrio’s head and pulled the trigger. The only noise was an empty click, and the two would-be killers ran off. Torrio was taken to the hospital and emergency surgery saved his life. He was badly shaken by the event and handed over control to Capone before leaving for Europe. By this time, the South Side Gang was making $105 million a year from their illegal business, and although Capone himself was nearly killed in an ambush at his hotel on June 13, he continued the war against the North Side Gang. He killed its new leader, Hymie Weiss, in October, 1926, and in April, 1927, Weiss’ replacement, Vincent Drucci, was shot while fighting with police and died shortly after. George Moran became the next leader of the North Side Gang, and a new target for Capone. The conflict between the two gang factions continued, and in September, 1928, the North Side Gang managed to kill one of Capone’s close friends.

Capone had had enough; weary of the sporadic mutual ambushes, he decided to deal with Moran and the North Side Gang in one massive stroke. He focused his plan on 2122 North Clark Street – the address of the SMC Cartage Company. Two “cab drivers” rented rooms across the street and watched men come and go. Other men took rooms nearby and waited. Word was sent to Moran about a hijacked shipment of Capone liquor that would arrive on the morning of February 14, 1929.    

On Valentines Day, four members of the North Side Gang waited inside the garage along with a visiting friend and a mechanic. When a seventh man entered the garage, the Capone men across the street incorrectly identified him as Moran and ordered the other waiting men to move out. A police car pulled up minutes later. At that same moment, Moran himself was walking toward the garage and saw the car. Spooked, he and his two body guards ducked into a nearby restaurant. He wasn’t overly alarmed; police raids were normal. More than likely, they would be paid off and he could return shortly.

What follows is speculation, but it is believed that two men dressed as armed policemen burst in on the waiting gangsters and ordered them up against the wall, where they disarmed them. Then a few minutes later, two other men in civilian clothes entered. They pulled Tommy guns from under their trench coats and opened fire, raking their guns back and forth. It was later found that about two hundred rounds had been fired. The “police” then finished off one of the dying men with a shot gun, and the four men exited through front door into the waiting car and drove away.

Real police arrived within twenty minutes. Frank Gusenberg, the wounded man who had been crawling toward the door of the garage, had been shot fourteen times. The officers immediately took him to the hospital, where he refused to divulge any information and died three hours later.

Chicagoans were shocked by the murder and demanded the police catch those responsible. One week after the massacre, a car matching the one used at the scene was found burning in a garage and could only be traced to man who gave his name as “Morton.” Police questioned Jack McGurn, a known Capone assassin, but his girlfriend claimed that he had been with her. John Scalise and Albert Anselmi, two other Capone associates, were also questioned, but had to be released due to lack of evidence. Bullets matching the ones used were later found in Fred “The Killer” Burke’s house when he was arrested in Michigan for the murder of a policeman. Burke was well known for his connections to organized crime, though he was never officially tied to it.

McGurn would later be shot to death in a Chicago bowling alley on February 14, 1936, a bloody valentine left on his chest. Scalise and Anselmi were found beaten to death and disfigured near Hammond, Indiana three months after the massacre. It is commonly believed that they had been plotting against Capone and were found out. Burke would die in prison in 1940. Others were also mentioned as having taken in part in the massacre, but no solid evidence has ever been found.

As for the two surviving gang leaders, North Side boss Moran, who had hidden in a restaurant during the massacre, fled to a hospital afterward and claimed illness. In an interview with reporters several hours later, he said, “Only Capone could do something like that.” Moran continued to try to battle South Side boss Capone, but never managed to rebuild his North Side gang. He eventually left Chicago and was arrested in 1946 for the robbery of a tavern in Ohio and served ten years in prison. Upon his release, he was arrested again for robbery and was sent to Leavenworth Prison, where he died, within days, of lung cancer. Unlike the other deceased leaders of the North Side gang who had lavish funerals, he was given a modest burial in the prison graveyard.

Capone was in a meeting in Florida at the time of massacre, and claimed to have nothing to do with it. He would enjoy his reign as underworld leader of Chicago until 1931, when he was found guilty of tax evasion and imprisoned in Atlanta and then Alcatraz, and finally released in 1939 when his body and mind began to deteriorate from Syphilis. He would die of heart failure in 1946.

Today, a parking lot covers the land the SMC Cartage Company garage used to occupy, and Chicago has moved on. The Mafia continues to have a presence both in the city and nationally, but lost most of its smuggled liquor profits after Prohibition was repealed in 1933 and shifted to narcotics and other lucrative illegal pursuits. Many people who had turned a blind eye to gang activity before the massacre could no longer do so afterward. One could argue that the freewheeling era of the gangster died on the floor with those men. The Mob has largely gone underground and is not quite the force they once were. Still, the days of bootlegging and Tommy guns hold a fascination that never allows mobster characters to fade into obscurity, and many people continue to be shocked by the story of Capone’s bloody Valentine.